<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
  <title>ScholarWorks Community:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/745" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/745</id>
  <updated>2026-07-04T14:23:04Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-07-04T14:23:04Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Globalization as a Policy: Initiation and Implementation of the Segyehwa Policy in South Korea, 1993–2003</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196001" />
    <author>
      <name>Saxer, Carl J.</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196001</id>
    <updated>2026-02-01T08:36:35Z</updated>
    <published>2024-06-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Globalization as a Policy: Initiation and Implementation of the Segyehwa Policy in South Korea, 1993–2003
Authors: Saxer, Carl J.
Abstract: This article examines the formulation and implementation of the Segyehwa (globalization) policy in South Korea from 1993 to 2003. The policy was initially formulated and implemented by the Kim Young-sam government (1993–1998). The article argues that while much of the focus, when it comes globalization, tends to emphasize economic issues, the main goal of the state initated Segyehwa policy was to enhance the South Korea&amp;apos;s global position in both economic and political terms. Taking a qualitative empirical approach the article analyses the historical context of the goals, in particular economic and political, that were set by the Kim government, as well as the outcomes of these policies. While the Segyehwa policy was, and remains, the target of significant opposition, with some sectors within society feeling threatened by the policy, the purpose of the policy, to significantly increase South Korea&amp;apos;s global position was not only continued by the Kim Dae-jung government, that succeed the Kim Young-sam government, but also by most of the governments since 2003.</summary>
    <dc:date>2024-06-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Civilian control and Military Dissent</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/183942" />
    <author>
      <name>Carl J. Saxer</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/183942</id>
    <updated>2026-06-30T15:08:24Z</updated>
    <published>2022-09-09T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Civilian control and Military Dissent
Authors: Carl J. Saxer</summary>
    <dc:date>2022-09-09T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Veritas Research Center Speaker Series</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/137387" />
    <author>
      <name>John M. McGuire</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/137387</id>
    <updated>2026-06-29T00:02:41Z</updated>
    <published>2022-06-03T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Veritas Research Center Speaker Series
Authors: John M. McGuire</summary>
    <dc:date>2022-06-03T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Iran and Afghanistan between China and India: Great Power Competition for Regional Connectivity in South and Central Asia</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/140212" />
    <author>
      <name>Kim, Younkyoo</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Stephen Blank</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/140212</id>
    <updated>2023-02-22T11:10:59Z</updated>
    <published>2021-12-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Iran and Afghanistan between China and India: Great Power Competition for Regional Connectivity in South and Central Asia
Authors: Kim, Younkyoo; Stephen Blank
Abstract: The recent Sino–Iranian agreement of March 2021 has been seen mainly in terms of its impact upon Irano–American and Irano–Chinese relations and the Middle East.
This article, instead explores how this agreement affects the Indo–Chinese rivalry now occurring in South and Central Asia. It examines in great detail India’s efforts to augment its position in Central Asia and how it has assigned Iran a prominent place in this campaign. Yet it failed to make the most of its chances, leaving the door open to China to step in and by this agreement undermine India’s (and Russia’s position) in South and Central Asia. The article focuses on trade and transportation issues as expressed in contending inter–continental trade and transport projects (the BRI and INSTC). But it concludes with an examination of the tie-in between the Sino–Iranian agreements and their overall implications of military and security issues throughout the Indian Ocean region and Central Asia. Thus, it ties together economic, trade, transportation, and security issues throughout South and Central Asia as well as the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).</summary>
    <dc:date>2021-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
</feed>

