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    <title>ScholarWorks Collection:</title>
    <link>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/615</link>
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        <rdf:li rdf:resource="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/210285" />
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        <rdf:li rdf:resource="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/209392" />
        <rdf:li rdf:resource="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196529" />
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    <dc:date>2026-07-03T21:42:47Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/210285">
    <title>반연방과 반연준: 미국 자유지상주의의 통화론</title>
    <link>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/210285</link>
    <description>Title: 반연방과 반연준: 미국 자유지상주의의 통화론
Authors: 김승우
Abstract: 본 연구는 2008년 금융위기 이후 중앙은행 제도와 불환지폐 체제에 대한 비판 속에서 미국 자유지상주의자들이 암호화폐를 ‘발견’하게 된 역사적·사상적 맥락을 분석한다. 루드비히 폰 미제스의 오스트리아 학파 전통을 계승하여 무정부자본주의 이론을 발전시킨 로스바드와 그의 후원자 폴을 중심으로, 연방준비제도(Fed) 폐지를 주장한 자유지상주의 운동의 형성과 확산 과정을 추적한다. 특히 미제스 연구소를 중심으로 전개된 이 운동은 미국 경제사의 수정주의적 해석을 통해 중앙은행에 대한 대중적 불신과 포퓰리즘적 정서를 결합했다. 반(反)중앙은행 담론은 건국기 자유은행 전통과 금본위제에 대한 향수를 복원하면서, 국가의 화폐발행 독점이 개인의 자유를 침해한다는 정치경제적 논리로 재구성되었다. 나아가 본 연구는 2008년 위기 이후 암호화폐가 단순한 기술 혁신이나 투기 자산이 아니라, 국가 권력에 대한 체계적 비판과 ‘탈국가적 화폐’라는 자유지상주의적 이상이 결합된 대안 통화로 전유된 과정을 조명한다. 이를 통해 암호화폐 담론이 자유지상주의의 반연방·반중앙은행 사상과 긴밀히 맞닿아 있음을 드러낸다.; This paper examines the historical and ideological context in which American
libertarians embraced cryptocurrency, particularly in response to criticism of the central
banking system and the fiat currency regime following the 2008 financial crisis. It
traces the emergence and growth of the libertarian movement advocating for the
abolition of the Federal Reserve System, focusing on Murray Rothbard, who developed
anarcho-capitalist theory through the Austrian School tradition of Ludwig von Mises
and his patron, Paul. The movement, especially at the Mises Institute, combined
widespread distrust of the central bank with populist sentiment, employing a revisionist
interpretation of American economic history. This anti-central bank discourse was reframed to argue that the federal government’s monopoly on currency issuance
infringes on individual liberty while reviving nostalgia for the free banking tradition
and the gold standard of the founding era. Additionally, this study highlights how,
after the 2008 crisis, cryptocurrency was adopted as an alternative currency. It
represents not just a technological innovation or speculative asset but a synthesis of
systematic critique against state power and the libertarian ideal of “deleveraged money.”
This demonstrates that the ideological roots of cryptocurrency discourse are deeply
connected to the enduring anti-Federal Reserve and anti-central bank sentiments that
have persisted since the modern era.</description>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/212509">
    <title>고려시대 공호(貢戶)의 성격에 관한 고찰</title>
    <link>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/212509</link>
    <description>Title: 고려시대 공호(貢戶)의 성격에 관한 고찰
Authors: 소순규
Abstract: 12세기 이후 고려사회에는 貢戶라 불리는 존재들이 등장하였다. 기존 연구에서는 이들이 12세기 대량으로 발생한 유망민들을 현적지 기준으로 호적에 등재하고, 수세 대상으로 파악한 존재라 설명하였다. 그리고 이들의 신분이나 부세 부담의 양상은 白丁 농민과 다를 것 없이 설명되었다. 일부에서는 수세 대상이 되는 민을 모두 貢戶로 편성하는 ‘貢戶制’ 가 시행되었다고 파악하기도 하였다.
그러나 현존하는 자료에서 貢戶의 성격을 고찰해 보면, 이들이 일반 백정과 달리 定役戶로서 특정 물자를 생산하여 納貢하거나, 특정 귀속처에 入役하는 존재였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 이들의 신분은 일반 양인에 비하여 다소 낮은 신분, 즉 賤事･賤役良人의 범주에 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 12세기 대규모 유망민들의 발생과 더불어 부곡제 지역의 해체가 급속화되면서, 특정 물자 생산을 위해 국가가 공호를 편성하였던 것이다. 그리고 이들은 기존의 부곡제 지역의 특정한 국역부담호와 동일한 존재로 동화되어갔다. 이들이 조선 건국 이후 身良役賤 이라 불리는 정역호 계층의 선구적 존재였다고 볼 수 있다.; The existence called Gongho(貢戶) appeared in Goryeo society after the
12th century. The existing studies explained that these people who appeared
in large quantities as the wanderers in the 12th century were registered in
their family register based on their permanent domiciles and were understood
as the objects for collecting taxes. And they have found that their status
or the aspect of bearing taxation was not unlike men of intermediate status
between commoners and base persons(白丁). The partial studies understood
that ‘Gonghoje(System：貢戶制)’ which classified all the people for collecting
taxes into Gongho was implemented.
However, considering the characteristics of Gongho in the current
materials, they have found to be the people who produced specific goods
and offered tributes or provided labor for specific places as Jeongyeokho(定役戶)
unlike general men of intermediate status between commoners and base
persons. And they have found that they had somewhat lower status than
general commoners’, that is, were in the range of Cheonsa·Cheonyeokyangin(賤
事·賤役良人). As a lot of wanderers appeared and the dissolution of the area
of Bugokje accelerated in the 12th century, the nation organized Gongho
to produce specific goods. And they got to assimilate as the equivalent of
specific Gukyeokbudamho of the existing area of Bugokje. They can be the pioneer of the Jeongyeokho class called Sinryangyeokcheon(身良役賤) after
the Joseon Dynasty was founded.</description>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/209392">
    <title>Modern Chinese enterprise and the global economy: A historiographical essay</title>
    <link>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/209392</link>
    <description>Title: Modern Chinese enterprise and the global economy: A historiographical essay
Authors: Moazzin, Ghassan; Wong, John D.; Kang, Jin-A
Abstract: In this introduction to the special issue &amp;apos;The Global Economy and the Origins of Modern Chinese Business&amp;apos;, we first provide a historiographical overview of the development of modern Chinese business from the early nineteenth century to the 1970s, with a special focus on the transnational linkages of Chinese enterprises. We highlight how Chinese businesses engaged and interacted with the global economy and globalisation over one and a half centuries. We then introduce the six contributions to this special issue. These contributions cover case studies ranging from Shanxi remittance firms to Mao-era economic relations between China and Latin America, showcasing how Chinese businesses navigated and interacted with changing international dynamics. Next, the article explains common themes amongst the contributions and their larger implications for understanding the historical trajectory of Chinese business in relation to the global economy. Finally, the concluding discussion highlights several avenues for future research in Chinese business history.</description>
    <dc:date>2025-10-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196529">
    <title>일제하 나주지역의 수리조합 설치와 군민의 대응</title>
    <link>https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196529</link>
    <description>Title: 일제하 나주지역의 수리조합 설치와 군민의 대응
Authors: 이승일
Abstract: 나주지역은 식민지 조선의 대표적인 稻作地帶로서 영산강 수계를 활용한 수리조합사업이 추진되었다. 학산 및 다시수리조합은 산미증식계획을 배경으로 일본인 대지주와 일부 조선인 지주, 지방관청이 주도한 관주도 사업이었다. 수리조합사업은 일본 국내의 식량문제 해결이라는 목표가 있었던 만큼 식민지 권력과 그대행자인 대지주가 적극적으로 나섰다. 또한 수리조합 설치과정에서 공권력을동원한 일방적 추진, 대지주 중심의 조합운영 등 사업의 전개과정에서 강제성이나타나기도 했다. 수리조합사업은 개별 지주가 감당하기 어려운 막대한 사업비의 지출이 필요한 사업이었음에도 불구하고 식민지 조선에서는 국고보조율이 일본내지에 비해서 매우 낮았고 대출이율도 높은 편이었다. 따라서 중소규모의 토지소유자들의 조합비 압박이 심할 수 밖에 없었으며 수리조합사업을 둘러싼 분쟁의 요인이 되었다. 그러나 식민지 시기의 수리조합은 일부 중소지주들의 반대에도 불구하고 일제와 대지주의 이익확대를 위해 설립 운영되었다. 수리조합지구에서는 일정한 증산효과가 있었으나 그 성과는 주로 조합의 주도권을 장악한 대지주층에게 많이돌아갔다. 따라서 수리조합사업은 자작농들에게는 경제적 성장의 계기로 활용되지 못하였고 오히려 식민지 지주제가 활성화되는 계기가 되었다; The Naju area was a representative work zone of colonial Korea, and the water cooperative project utilizing the Yeongsan River system was promoted. The Haksan and Dasi suri Irrigation Associations were state-run projects led by Japanese landowners, some Korean landowners, and local authorities against the backdrop of a plan to increase production. The colonial power and its agents, the landowners, took an active role in the project, as it aimed to solve the food problem in Japan. In addition, coercion was manifested in the development of the project, such as the unilateral push to mobilize public authorities in the process of establishing repair cooperatives and the operation of cooperatives centered on landowners. Despite the fact that the repair union project required the expenditure of huge project costs that individual landowners could not afford, the government subsidy rate in colonial Korea was very low compared to that in Japan, and the interest rate on loans was high. Therefore, the pressure on small and medium-sized landowners&amp;apos; union fees was severe, and it became a factor in disputes over the repair union project.
However, during the colonial period, repair cooperatives were established and operated to expand the profits of the Japanese government and large landowners, despite the opposition of some small and medium-sized landowners. Although there was a certain increase in production in the repair cooperative districts, the benefits mainly went to the large landowners who controlled the initiative of the cooperative. Therefore, the repair cooperative business was not utilized as an opportunity for economic growth for peasants, but rather as an opportunity for the colonial landlord system to be activated.</description>
    <dc:date>2024-02-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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