https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/746 2026-07-04T22:14:32Z https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/196001 Title: Globalization as a Policy: Initiation and Implementation of the Segyehwa Policy in South Korea, 1993–2003 Authors: Saxer, Carl J. Abstract: This article examines the formulation and implementation of the Segyehwa (globalization) policy in South Korea from 1993 to 2003. The policy was initially formulated and implemented by the Kim Young-sam government (1993–1998). The article argues that while much of the focus, when it comes globalization, tends to emphasize economic issues, the main goal of the state initated Segyehwa policy was to enhance the South Korea's global position in both economic and political terms. Taking a qualitative empirical approach the article analyses the historical context of the goals, in particular economic and political, that were set by the Kim government, as well as the outcomes of these policies. While the Segyehwa policy was, and remains, the target of significant opposition, with some sectors within society feeling threatened by the policy, the purpose of the policy, to significantly increase South Korea's global position was not only continued by the Kim Dae-jung government, that succeed the Kim Young-sam government, but also by most of the governments since 2003. 2024-06-01T00:00:00Z https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/140212 Title: Iran and Afghanistan between China and India: Great Power Competition for Regional Connectivity in South and Central Asia Authors: Kim, Younkyoo; Stephen Blank Abstract: The recent Sino–Iranian agreement of March 2021 has been seen mainly in terms of its impact upon Irano–American and Irano–Chinese relations and the Middle East. This article, instead explores how this agreement affects the Indo–Chinese rivalry now occurring in South and Central Asia. It examines in great detail India’s efforts to augment its position in Central Asia and how it has assigned Iran a prominent place in this campaign. Yet it failed to make the most of its chances, leaving the door open to China to step in and by this agreement undermine India’s (and Russia’s position) in South and Central Asia. The article focuses on trade and transportation issues as expressed in contending inter–continental trade and transport projects (the BRI and INSTC). But it concludes with an examination of the tie-in between the Sino–Iranian agreements and their overall implications of military and security issues throughout the Indian Ocean region and Central Asia. Thus, it ties together economic, trade, transportation, and security issues throughout South and Central Asia as well as the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). 2021-12-01T00:00:00Z https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/140627 Title: The Mediterranean Eskadra and Russia's military-political strategy in the Mediterranean Basin Authors: Blank, Stephen; Kim, Younkyoo Abstract: Russia seeks to convert the Black Sea into a Russian lake. This entails projecting power well into the Mediterranean Sea. Since 2013 Moscow has reinforced the missile, air defence, and submarine component of its Mediterranean Eskadra (Squadron) to deny NATO access to the Eastern Mediterranean and Black Seas. This article explains how and why Russia's Mediterranean Eskadra has become a major arm of Russia's military-political strategy in these waters. By analysing its missions, roles, and activities the article shows how Moscow conducts innovative, sophisticated, yet simultaneously traditional military-political operations to maximise and enhance its global standing in accordance with its own strategy. The article further argues that the Eskadra's creation and deployment corresponds not just to the revival of Russian military capability in 2013, but also to a much broader Russian perspective on contemporary war, and analyzes Russia's political considerations in the deployment of major military forces in the Mediterranean Basin. 2021-10-02T00:00:00Z https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hanyang/handle/2021.sw.hanyang/144949 Title: 2005년 이후 중국의 글로벌 희토류 공급망 장악과 미국의 대응 Authors: 김연규; 안주홍 Abstract: 2010년 중국의 대일 희토류 수출규제는 단기의 자원무기화로 인한 외교적 효과를 얻기 위한 것이라기보다는 중국의 희토류 부가가치 고도화, 국산화, 일괄 수직생산 체계의 완성이 하나의 사건을 통해 표출된 것이다. 희토류 공급망의 성격 때문에 중국의 희토류 생산 비중이감소하고 미국을 포함한 중국밖(Rest of World)의 희토류 공급이 증가함에도 불구하고 중국의희토류 공급망 장악은 크게 감소하지 않았다. 본 논문의 목적은 2010년 중국의 대일 희토류수출금지 조치 이후 글로벌 희토류 수요 공급구도 변화를 재생에너지와 전기차 산업의 확대에 따른 중희토류 소재 네오디뮴과 디스프로슘 공급망 관점에서 분석하고 2019년 이후 중국의 대미 희토류 수출금지 조치 가능성이 다시 제기됨에 따른 미국 희토류 국산화 전략의 가능성과 한계를 분석하는 것이다.; This paper analyzes changes in global trade of rare earth elements after China’s export restrictions in 2010. Previous studies highlight China’s weaponization of rare earths against Western countries. This paper breaks new ground by examining China’s hidden goals of reallocating critical rare earth elements such as Neodimium and Dysprosium for domestic consumption in the expanding industrial applications of permanent magnets for wind turbines and electric vehicles. There emerges a gap problem between demand and supply for Dysprosium in the amount of 4,000-5000 tons at minimum and 20,000-30,000 tons at maximum for 2050 without doubling of China’s production and exports and significant new supplies from Rest of World. Our general knowledge suggests that some improvement has been made in supply chain resilience for rare earth elements after the 2010 China’s export restrictions. For instance, in 2019 global production of rare earth elements reached 190,000 tons, out of which Rest of World produced 70,000 tons. Most of 70,000 tons produced outside China is composed of Light Rare Earth Elements (LREE), which is globally oversupplied and easily extracted. Rising industrial applications in the permanent magnets for wind turbines and electric vehicles requires Heavy Rare Earth Elements (HREE) such as Dysprosium which is mostly found and extracted in Southern China. 2020-10-01T00:00:00Z