Duke-of-York 도출과 점진적 조화 증진성
DC Field | Value | Language |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.author | 김선회 | - |
dc.contributor.author | 김정운 | - |
dc.date.available | 2019-05-29T03:34:18Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 2013 | - |
dc.identifier.issn | 1225-7141 | - |
dc.identifier.uri | https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/cau/handle/2019.sw.cau/19737 | - |
dc.description.abstract | The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration. | - |
dc.description.abstract | The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration. | - |
dc.format.extent | 24 | - |
dc.language | 한국어 | - |
dc.language.iso | KOR | - |
dc.publisher | 대한언어학회 | - |
dc.title | Duke-of-York 도출과 점진적 조화 증진성 | - |
dc.title.alternative | The Duke-of-York Derivation and the Gradual Improvement of Harmony | - |
dc.type | Article | - |
dc.identifier.doi | 10.24303/lakdoi.2013.21.2.193 | - |
dc.identifier.bibliographicCitation | 언어학, v.21, no.2, pp 193 - 216 | - |
dc.identifier.kciid | ART001783514 | - |
dc.description.isOpenAccess | N | - |
dc.citation.endPage | 216 | - |
dc.citation.number | 2 | - |
dc.citation.startPage | 193 | - |
dc.citation.title | 언어학 | - |
dc.citation.volume | 21 | - |
dc.publisher.location | 대한민국 | - |
dc.subject.keywordAuthor | 조화증진 순차주의(Harmonic Serialism) | - |
dc.subject.keywordAuthor | 점진성(gradualness) | - |
dc.subject.keywordAuthor | 조화 증진성(harmonic improvement) | - |
dc.subject.keywordAuthor | 순차적 도출(serial derivation) | - |
dc.description.journalRegisteredClass | kci | - |
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