On the syntax of multi-focused fragment answers in Korean: An oblique merge analysis

Abstract

As observed in the literature (Park 2005, 2013, Park and Shin 2014, Ku and Cho 2014, among others), focus elements in a multi-focused fragment answer in Korean behave asymmetrically depending on their positions: Focus elements in a non-final position retain their dependent markers, while those in the final position optionally delete them. This paper first shows that the restriction is merely a subcase of a superordinate constraint, which states that a focus element in a non-final position pied-pipes the minimal node that dominates it and c-commands the following focus element(s), whereas a focus element in the final position optionally pied-pipes its dominating node(s). It is argued then that the pied-piping for non-final focus elements is caused by an economy-driven oblique merge operation that clusters elements with a focus feature before the complex focus element formed in this way moves to the focus licensing functional phrase. Focus clustering due to the same oblique merge operation is attested in other constructions containing multiple focus elements.