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화자지향 심리술어와 증거성 표지 ‘-더’의 1인칭 제약The 1st person restriction on Korean evidential marker ‘-te’: focusing on subject-oriented psych-predicates

Other Titles
The 1st person restriction on Korean evidential marker ‘-te’: focusing on subject-oriented psych-predicates
Authors
허세문임동식박유경
Issue Date
2015
Publisher
한국언어정보학회
Keywords
Korean direct perceptive evidential –te; subject-oriented psych-predicates; information situation; evaluation situation
Citation
언어와 정보, v.19, no.2, pp.81 - 107
Journal Title
언어와 정보
Volume
19
Number
2
Start Page
81
End Page
107
URI
https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/hongik/handle/2020.sw.hongik/10456
ISSN
1226-7430
Abstract
This paper explores the 1st person restrictions on the evidential –te, focusing on the cases where it appears with the speaker-oriented psych-predicates in Korean. It has been widely discussed that the 1st person restriction can be freely circumvented when -te is used with the speaker-oriented psych-predicates. However, based on the novel observation that such an obviation can be varied with respect to the types of the subordinate clauses which modify the evidential sentences, we propose that the 1st person restriction should be explained in terms of the situation-based felicity condition of –te, as discussed in Lim (2014): it arises if the situation where the speaker acquires evidence cannot be the same as, or be included by, the situation where the prejacent is true. To show this, we discuss how the meaning of the speaker-oriented psych-predicates interacts with the felicity condition of -te, and how this interaction makes the distinctive obviation environments of the 1st person restriction on -te, unlike other types of predicates.
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