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Sluicing is NOT in KoreanSluicing is NOT in Korean

Other Titles
Sluicing is NOT in Korean
Authors
최영식
Issue Date
2012
Publisher
한국현대언어학회
Keywords
sluicing; question; morpheme; agreement; wh-word; clefting; sluicing; question; morpheme; agreement; wh-word; clefting
Citation
언어연구, v.28, no.2, pp 329 - 351
Pages
23
Journal Title
언어연구
Volume
28
Number
2
Start Page
329
End Page
351
URI
https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/sch/handle/2021.sw.sch/15699
DOI
10.18627/jslg.28.2.201208.329
ISSN
1225-4770
2671-6151
Abstract
In this paper, I claim that what appears to be a sluicing construction is a manifestation of the property of wh-words in Korean as indefinites that can serve as a question clause by combining with a question morpheme, contra to Takahashi (1993, 1994) and Nishiyama, Whitman, and Yi (1995). The present research thus shows that the status of wh-words as indefinites plays a crucial role in the so called sluicing construction as well as wh-questions involving intervention effect, and syntactic islands. It also has a nontrivial theoretical implication of supporting the thesis in Cheng (1997) that no language adopts more than one option of typing wh-questions, the question morpheme and displacement of a wh-word.
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