B » PREC(A, B)의 비범어성: 영어 음운습득 사례의 후보연쇄 최적성 이론적 분석을 중심으로

Abstract

Focusing on the OT-CC analysis of a case study of the phonological acquisition in English, this paper shows that B » PREC(A, B) cannot be a universal meta-constraint for the ranking of PREC constraints. According to McCarthy (2006, 2007), PREC(A. B), which requires that the violation of a faithfulness constraint B should be preceded by the violation of a faithfulness constraint A in the derivational chains, should not be ranked above a faithfulness constraint B cross-linguistically. However, this paper presents a counter-example against the universality of this ranking relation, by showing that the derived environment opacity effect in the error patterns of Child 142, which was described in Dinnsen (2008), requires that PREC(A, B) be ranked above B, which is the reverse ranking of B » PREC(A, B).