Some Notes on Ko’s (2014b, 2015) Hybrid Approach to the Korean RDC
- Authors
- 정대호
- Issue Date
- Sep-2015
- Publisher
- 한국생성문법학회
- Keywords
- right dislocation construction (RDC); S(specificational)-focus; appendix; WH-phrase (WP); negative polarity item (NPI); sideward movement; mono-clausal; multi-clausal
- Citation
- 생성문법연구, v.25, no.3, pp.735 - 754
- Indexed
- KCI
- Journal Title
- 생성문법연구
- Volume
- 25
- Number
- 3
- Start Page
- 735
- End Page
- 754
- URI
- https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/erica/handle/2021.sw.erica/19738
- DOI
- 10.15860/sigg.25.3.201508.735
- ISSN
- 1225-6048
- Abstract
- Ko (2014b, 2015) argues for a hybrid approach to the right-dislocation construction (RDC) in Korean: An argument-type RDC results when the argument appendix undergoes S-focus movement to the SPEC of FocP and subsequently the remnant moves to the SPEC of TopP; in contrast, the adjunct-type RDC results from concatenating the adjunct appendix with the root clause. This review paper evaluates Ko‘s (2014b, 2015) hybrid approach, mainly addressing her treatment of the asymmetric behaviors that post-verbal WH-phrases vs. negative polarity items display and of the modification relation that the adjunct-type appendix has. It will be pointed out that there exist several non-trivial theoretical and empirical challenges to the hybrid approach, despite various interesting and insightful points it provides.
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