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Polarity Licensing by Inherently Negative Predicates: A Unified Approach

Authors
정대호
Issue Date
May-2006
Publisher
한국생성문법학회
Keywords
negative polarity; negative polarity item (NPI); inherently negative predicate (INP); clause mate condition; negative force; (anit-)locality; complex predicate; predicate merge; negative operator analysis; negative polarity; negative polarity item (NPI); inherently negative predicate (INP); clause mate condition; negative force; (anit-)locality; complex predicate; predicate merge; negative operator analysis; negative polarity; negative polarity item (NPI); inherently negative predicate (INP); clause mate condition; negative force; (anit-)locality; complex predicate; predicate merge; negative operator analysis
Citation
생성문법연구, v.16, no.2, pp.211 - 229
Indexed
KCI
Journal Title
생성문법연구
Volume
16
Number
2
Start Page
211
End Page
229
URI
https://scholarworks.bwise.kr/erica/handle/2021.sw.erica/45254
ISSN
1225-6048
Abstract
Negative polarity triggered by an inherently negative predicate (INP) apparently displays anti-locality: Negative polarity items (NPIs) should be embedded under the complement clause. A negative operator is often assumed at CP-SPEC to account for the anti-locality. This paper observes, however, that NPIs in the Korean INP context are licensed in the subject position as well. To accommodate this puzzle, a predicate type approach is proposed: An INP is strong enough to license NPIs only when it merges with the embedded predicate, forming a complex predicate. Given the predicate merge, the polarity licensing in the Korean INP context turns out to be not different from the case where overt negation is involved in the sense that NPIs are locally licensed, say at the SPEC of NegP. Scope facts and the one-notch loosened clause mate restriction lend support to the proposed analysis.
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