Duke-of-York 도출과 점진적 조화 증진성

Abstract

The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration.

The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration.